Feudalism in Pakistan
In contemporary Pakistan, the term “feudalism” typically refers to the significant power and authority wielded by large landowning families, particularly those owning vast estates in remote regions. The descriptor “feudal” often characterizes a small yet politically influential and dominant group of landowners who maintain a stronghold on local and national affairs. This influence extends beyond landownership, encompassing a cultural mindset described as a “feudal attitude”, which combines entitlement with arrogance.
Studies, including those by the Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER), reveal stark disparities in land ownership within the agricultural sector. A mere 5% of agricultural households control nearly two-thirds of the country’s farmland, illustrating significant inequality in land distribution. Large families with ancestral estates often own hundreds or even thousands of acres of land. However, they frequently contribute minimally to agricultural labor. Instead, the actual farming work is carried out by peasants or tenants who live at subsistence levels, often struggling to make ends meet.
The power of landlords in these regions is entrenched through various mechanisms, including debt bondage, which perpetuates control over tenant families across generations. Furthermore, landlords dominate access to essential agricultural resources such as water, fertilizers, tractor permits, and credit facilities. This control allows them to exert influence over local administrative systems, including revenue collection, policing, and judicial matters. These dynamics grant landlords significant leverage over rural governance, particularly in regions like Sindh, Balochistan, and parts of Southern Punjab, where feudal systems are especially oppressive.
The pervasive influence of feudal families is evident in the political structure of Pakistan. Major political parties are often accused of being feudal-oriented, with many key political positions held by members of large landowning families. For instance, as of 2007, over two-thirds of the National Assembly (the lower house of parliament) and numerous high-ranking provincial posts were reportedly occupied by individuals from feudal backgrounds, as highlighted by scholar Sharif Shuja.
One of the primary reasons for the enduring power of feudal families in Pakistan, despite the decline of similar systems in other post-colonial nations like India, is the lack of effective land reform policies. Unlike India, where extensive land reforms significantly reduced the dominance of large landowners, Pakistan has seen limited efforts to redistribute land or address rural inequalities. Consequently, feudalism remains a persistent and deeply ingrained element of the country’s socio-political and economic landscape.
Criticism and Analysis of Feudalism in Pakistan
Feudalism in Pakistan has drawn sharp criticism over the years, with detractors highlighting a range of abuses and systemic issues associated with the entrenched power of influential landowning families. One major complaint involves a pervasive culture of impunity, where local law enforcement agencies are often reluctant to act against powerful landlords. Even in cases involving serious crimes such as murder or violent conflicts, police and judicial systems are frequently accused of shielding influential families from accountability.
A particularly alarming aspect of feudal power is the abuse of authority, including the alleged practice of imprisoning adversaries in private detention facilities. Additionally, some landlords reportedly perpetuate debt bondage, effectively “enslaving” vulnerable peasants and tenant farmers by forcing them into a cycle of unpayable debts that span generations. Such practices contribute to the systemic exploitation of rural communities.
Critics also argue that feudalism hinders progress and social development. One of the mechanisms of maintaining power, they contend, is the deliberate discouragement of education among the rural populace. Many landlords are accused of fearing that an educated peasant class could challenge the status quo, weakening their control and influence. In some regions, this suppression of education stifles economic mobility and perpetuates a cycle of poverty.
Another major concern is the claim that feudal systems indirectly enable the rise of extremist groups. Exploited and disenfranchised peasants sometimes turn to extremist organizations as a means of escaping the harsh control of feudal landlords. This dynamic not only exacerbates local grievances but also contributes to broader security challenges in the country. Moreover, the feudal system has been blamed for stagnating Pakistan’s agricultural sector due to absentee landlordism, where landowners live far from their estates and show little interest in improving farming practices or productivity.
Counterarguments and Alternative Perspectives
Despite the widespread criticism, some analysts argue that feudalism in Pakistan has become an overly simplistic explanation for the country’s complex challenges. Michael Kugelman, for instance, suggests that Pakistan has developed a “fixation” on feudalism, using it as a convenient scapegoat for a wide array of problems without thoroughly examining the issue. Similarly, the late intellectual Eqbal Ahmed pointed out that while feudalism is frequently criticized, it has not been rigorously studied or understood in depth. In his view, discussions on feudalism in Pakistan often lack nuance and fail to address its evolving role in society.
Some scholars, such as Haider Nizamani, argue that true feudalism, as historically understood, never existed in South Asia. He contends that the term is misapplied in Pakistan, where the rural elite consists of a “landed gentry” rather than a traditional feudal class. This gentry, he posits, operates as junior partners to the actual centers of power, such as bureaucratic elites and military institutions. Nicolas Martin, in one of the few serious studies on the subject, asserts that the despotic behaviors often attributed to feudalism are exhibited by only a subset of politically influential landlords, not the entire landed class.
Changing Public Perception
Over time, feudalism has become deeply unpopular in public discourse and media portrayals. In fact, even some individuals from feudal backgrounds, such as Shehbaz Sharif, have publicly criticized feudal practices. This shift in rhetoric reflects growing awareness and opposition to the inequities perpetuated by feudal systems.
The media has also played a significant role in shaping perceptions of feudalism. For example, the iconic 1975 drama series “Waris”, broadcast on Pakistan Television (PTV), provided a vivid portrayal of feudal life. The story revolved around Chaudhry Hashmat, a feudal lord who ruled his domain with absolute authority. The series resonated with audiences, bringing the realities of feudalism into the mainstream cultural narrative and sparking broader discussions about its impact on society.
History of Feudalism in Pakistan
During the Mughal Empire
The origins of feudalism in South Asia can be traced back to the Mughal Empire, specifically to Emperor Akbar’s administration. Akbar introduced the mansabdari system in the late 16th century (circa 1575–1595) as a part of his revenue management structure. The system was designed to regulate land revenue collection and governance by granting mansabs (land assignments) to officials called mansabdars. These officials were tasked with overseeing specific territories, receiving a share of the revenue as compensation for their services. However, mansabdars did not own the land, and their mansabs were neither hereditary nor transferable. This system ensured that landownership remained with the state, preventing mansabdars from passing their holdings to their descendants.
Despite its administrative efficiency, the decline of the Mughal Empire saw the collapse of this structure. With no central authority to maintain the non-hereditary nature of mansabs, mansabdars began treating their lands as personal property. They eventually became hereditary landlords and petty chiefs, consolidating control over these territories.
British Colonial Rule
The advent of British colonial rule significantly altered the land ownership and revenue systems in the Indian subcontinent. The British acquired control over land through systematic land acquisition policies, beginning with the diwani rights to collect revenue. Over time, reforms introduced by the British created a new class of intermediaries, further entrenching land-based hierarchies. Unlike the Mughal mansabdari system, British reforms allowed for hereditary landownership, which enabled landlords to wield significant socio-economic and political influence.
Independent Pakistan
Following the independence of Pakistan in 1947, the feudal system remained deeply entrenched in the country’s socio-political landscape. Nearly half of Pakistan’s GDP and a majority of its export earnings come from agriculture, a sector largely controlled by a few thousand feudal families. These families own vast tracts of prime agricultural land and employ thousands of villagers to cultivate their estates. Some notable feudal families and their landholdings include:
- The Jatoi family, which owns approximately 45,000 acres of land.
- The Khan family, with holdings of about 30,000 acres.
- Smaller landowners like the Khar, Ranjha, Noon, Makhdoom, and Rana families, each owning around 6,000 acres.
The political influence of these landowners has been substantial. Many of Pakistan’s founding leaders, including members of the Pakistan Muslim League, hailed from feudal backgrounds, such as the taluqdars, zamindars, rajas, chaudharys, and nawabs. The exception to this trend was Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan, who did not come from a feudal lineage.
Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, feudal families maintained their grip on national affairs through their dominance in the bureaucracy and military. By 1971, they assumed direct political power when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, himself from a large landowning family, rose to prominence. This dominance continued intermittently until military regimes regained control.
Prominent political figures with feudal backgrounds include:
- Yousuf Raza Gilani, a major landowner from South Punjab.
- Asif Ali Zardari, a large landowner from Sindh and widower of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.
- Hina Rabbani Khar, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, and Shah Mehmood Qureshi, who belong to influential feudal families of Punjab.
Land Reforms and Impact
Land reforms in Pakistan aimed to redistribute large estates and reduce land concentration. These reforms particularly affected families in regions like Hazara Division in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK). For instance, the Swati Jagirdar family faced significant land redistribution during these reforms, which were intended to promote agricultural equity and alleviate economic disparities.
Prominent Feudal Families by Province
Balochistan:
- Royal Khans of Kalat
- Chief Bugti family
- Chief Marri family
- Royal Jams of Lasbela
- Chief Raisani family
- Chief Magsi family of Jhal
- Chief Rind family
- Chief Jamali family
- Chief Mengal family
- Chief Barozai family
Sindh:
- Chief Chandio family
- Chief Mahar family
- Chief Jatoi family
- Royal Nawabs of Talpur family
- Pir of Pagaro family
- Chief Bhutto family
- Chief Zardari family
- Chief Mirza family
- Chief Gabol Baloch family
- Syed family of Nawabshah
Punjab:
- Royal Abbasi Nawabs of Bahawalpur
- Tiwanas of Shahpur
- Nawab Awans of Attock & Mianwali
- Nawab Khattars of Wah
- Noons of Nurpur
- Ranjhas of Kot Sher Muhammad
- Nawab Sials of Jhang
- Khars of Khar Gharbi
- Chief Leghari family
- Chief Chattha family
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK):
- Royal Wali-e-Swat family
- Swati Jagirdar family of Hazara
- Nawab Hoti family
- Chief Gandapur family
- Chief Khatak family of Nowshera
- Nawabs of Dir family
- Nawabs of Khanpur family
- Syeds of Kaghan
These feudal families continue to wield considerable political and economic influence, reinforcing their dominance in Pakistan’s socio-political system.